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The canal continued to be strategically important after the Second World War as a conduit for the shipment of oil.
And yet, at exactly the same moment, the canal was gaining a new role—as the highway not of empire, but of oil. By , petroleum accounted for half of the canal's traffic, and, in turn, two thirds of Europe's oil passed through it".
At the time, Western Europe imported two million barrels per day from the Middle East, 1,, by tanker through the canal, and another , via pipeline from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean, where tankers received it.
The US imported another , barrels daily from the Middle East. The report also points out that the canal had been used in wartime to transport materiel and personnel from and to the UK's close allies in Australia and New Zealand , and might be vital for such purposes in future.
The report also cites the amount of material and oil that passes through the canal to the United Kingdom, and the economic consequences of the canal being put out of commission, concluding:.
The possibility of the Canal being closed to troopships makes the question of the control and regime of the Canal as important to Britain today as it ever was.
In the aftermath of the Second World War, Britain was reassessing its role in the region in light of the severe economic constraints and its colonial history.
The economic potential of the Middle East, with its vast oil reserves, as well as the Suez Canal's geo-strategic importance against the background of the Cold War , prompted Britain to consolidate and strengthen its position there.
The kingdoms of Egypt and Iraq were seen as vital to maintaining strong British influence in the region. Britain's military strength was spread throughout the region, including the vast military complex at Suez with a garrison of some 80,, making it one of the largest military installations in the world.
The Suez base was considered an important part of Britain's strategic position in the Middle East; however, increasingly it became a source of growing tension in Anglo-Egyptian relations.
Unrest began to manifest itself in the growth of radical political groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and an increasingly hostile attitude towards Britain and its presence in the country.
Added to this anti-British fervour was the role Britain had played in the creation of Israel. In October , the Egyptian government unilaterally abrogated the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of , the terms of which granted Britain a lease on the Suez base for 20 more years.
The price of such a course of action was a steady escalation in increasingly violent hostility towards Britain and British troops in Egypt, which the Egyptian authorities did little to curb.
On 25 January , British forces attempted to disarm a troublesome auxiliary police force barracks in Ismailia , resulting in the deaths of 41 Egyptians.
In the s the Middle East was dominated by four distinct but interlinked struggles. The first was the geopolitical battle for influence between the United States and the Soviet Union known as the Cold War.
The second was the anti-colonial struggle of Arab nationalists against the two remaining imperial powers, Britain and France, in particular the Algerian War.
Britain's desire to mend Anglo-Egyptian relations in the wake of the coup saw the country strive for rapprochement throughout and Part of this process was the agreement, in , to terminate British rule in Sudan by in return for Cairo's abandoning of its claim to suzerainty over the Nile Valley region.
In October , Britain and Egypt concluded the Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of on the phased evacuation of British troops from the Suez base, the terms of which agreed to withdrawal of all troops within 20 months, maintenance of the base to be continued, and for Britain to hold the right to return for seven years.
Britain's close relationship with the two Hashemite kingdoms of Iraq and Jordan were of particular concern to Nasser.
In particular, Iraq's increasingly amicable relations with Britain were a threat to Nasser's desire to see Egypt as head of the Arab world.
The creation of the Baghdad Pact in seemed to confirm Nasser's fears that Britain was attempting to draw the Eastern Arab World into a bloc centred upon Iraq, and sympathetic to Britain.
In regard to the Arab leadership, particularly venomous was the feud between Nasser and the Prime Minister of Iraq, Nuri el-Said, for Arab leadership, with the Cairo-based Voice of the Arabs radio station regularly calling for the overthrow of the government in Baghdad.
Despite the establishment of such an agreement with the British, Nasser's position remained tenuous. The loss of Egypt's claim to Sudan, coupled with the continued presence of Britain at Suez for a further two years, led to domestic unrest including an assassination attempt against him in October The tenuous nature of Nasser's rule caused him to believe that neither his regime, nor Egypt's independence would be safe until Egypt had established itself as head of the Arab world.
It will take a lot of stuff to do a job there". As a consequence, American diplomats favoured the creation of a NATO-type organisation in the Near East to provide the necessary military power to deter the Soviets from invading the region.
It's hard to put ourselves back in this period. There was really a definite fear of hostilities, of an active Russian occupation of the Middle East physically, and you practically hear the Russian boots clumping down over the hot desert sands.
A major dilemma for American policy was that the two strongest powers in the Near East, Britain and France, were also the nations whose influence many local nationalists most resented.
It was a source of constant puzzlement to American officials in the s that the Arab states and the Israelis had seemed to have more interest in fighting each other rather than uniting against the Soviet Union.
The policy of the United States was colored by considerable uncertainty as to whom to befriend in the Near East.
American policy was torn between a desire to maintain good relations with NATO allies such as Britain and France who were also major colonial powers, and a desire to align Third World nationalists with the Free World camp.
Caffery was consistently very positive about Nasser in his reports to Washington right up until his departure from Cairo in How can I go to my people and tell them I am disregarding a killer with a pistol sixty miles from me at the Suez Canal to worry about somebody who is holding a knife a thousand miles away?
Dulles informed Nasser of his belief that the Soviet Union was seeking world conquest, that the principal danger to the Near East came from the Kremlin, and urged Nasser to set aside his differences with Britain to focus on countering the Soviet Union.
Nasser did not share Dulles's fear of the Soviet Union taking over the Middle East, and insisted quite vehemently that he wanted to see the total end of all British influence not only in Egypt, but all the Middle East.
After he returned to Washington, Dulles advised Eisenhower that the Arab states believed "the United States will back the new state of Israel in aggressive expansion.
Our basic political problem In the same report of May to Eisenhower calling for "even-handedness", Dulles stated that the Egyptians were not interested in joining the proposed MEDO; that the Arabs were more interested in their disputes with the British, the French, the Israelis and each other than in standing against the Soviets; and that the "Northern Tier" states of Turkey, Iran and Pakistan were more useful as allies at present than Egypt.
The close occurrence of the two events was mistakenly interpreted by Nasser as part of coordinated Western effort to push him into joining the Baghdad Pact.
Instead of siding with either superpower, Nasser took the role of the spoiler and tried to play off the superpowers in order to have them compete with each other in attempts to buy his friendship.
Under the new leadership of Nikita Khrushchev , the Soviet Union was making a major effort to win influence in the so-called "third world".
Zhou recommended that Khrushchev treat Nasser as a potential ally. Marshal Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia, who also came to know Nasser at Bandung told Khrushchev in a meeting that "Nasser was a young man without much political experience, but if we give him the benefit of the doubt, we might be able to exert a beneficial influence on him, both for the sake of the Communist movement, and Nasser had first broached the subject of buying weapons from the Soviet Union in Most of all, Nasser wanted the United States to supply arms on a generous scale to Egypt.
Nasser's first choice for buying weapons was the United States, but his frequent anti-Israeli speeches and his sponsorship for the fedayeen who were making raids into Israel had made it difficult for the Eisenhower administration to get the approval of Congress to sell weapons to Egypt.
American public opinion was deeply hostile towards selling arms to Egypt that might be used against Israel, and moreover Eisenhower feared starting a Middle Eastern arms race.
In , in order to limit the extent that the Arabs and the Israelis could engage in an arms race , the three nations which dominated the arms trade in the non-Communist world, namely the United States, the United Kingdom and France had signed the Tripartite Declaration, where they had committed themselves to limiting how much arms they could sell in the Near East, and also to ensuring that any arms sales to one side was matched by arms sales of equal quantity and quality to the other.
The Egyptians made continuous attempts to purchase heavy arms from Czechoslovakia years before the deal. Nasser had let it be known, in —55, that he was considering buying weapons from the Soviet Union as a way of pressuring the Americans into selling him the arms he desired.
Over the same period, the French Premier Guy Mollet , was facing an increasingly serious rebellion in Algeria , where the FLN rebels were being verbally supported by Egypt via emissions of the Voice of the Arabs radio, financially supported with Suez Canal revenue  and clandestinely owned Egyptian ships were shipping arms to the FLN.
Nasser has the ambition to recreate the conquests of Islam. But his present position is largely due to the policy of the West in building up and flattering him".
In a May gathering of French veterans, Louis Mangin spoke in place of the unavailable Minister of Defence and gave a violently anti-Nasser speech, which compared the Egyptian leader to Hitler.
He accused Nasser of plotting to rule the entire Middle East and of seeking to annexe Algeria, whose "people live in community with France".
Since the establishment of Israel in , cargo shipments to and from Israel had been subject to Egyptian authorisation, search and seizure while attempting to pass through the Suez Canal.
In late , Nasser began a policy of sponsoring raids into Israel by the fedayeen , who almost always attacked civilians.
Only after the Anglo-Egyptian agreement on evacuating the canal zone did Israel emerge as one of Nasser's main enemies.
Starting in owing to shared nuclear research, France and Israel started to move towards an alliance. Throughout and , Nasser pursued a number of policies that would frustrate British aims throughout the Middle East, and result in increasing hostility between Britain and Egypt.
Nasser saw Iraq's inclusion in the Baghdad Pact as indicating that the United States and Britain had sided with his much hated archenemy Nuri as-Said 's efforts to be the leader of the Arab world, and much of the motivation for Nasser's turn to an active anti-Western policy starting in was due to his displeasure with the Baghdad Pact.
Nasser "played on the widespread suspicion that any Western defence pact was merely veiled colonialism and that Arab disunity and weakness—especially in the struggle with Israel—was a consequence of British machinations.
Nasser struck a further blow against Britain by negotiating an arms deal with communist Czechoslovakia in September  thereby ending Egypt's reliance on Western arms.
Later, other members of the Warsaw Pact also sold arms to Egypt and Syria. In practice, all sales from the Eastern Bloc were authorised by the Soviet Union , as an attempt to increase Soviet influence over the Middle East.
This caused tensions in the United States because Warsaw Pact nations now had a strong presence in the region. For Eden This reverse, he insisted was Nasser's doing Nasser was our Enemy No.
Nasser must therefore be After the sacking of Glubb Pasha, which he saw as a grievous blow to British influence, Eden became consumed with an obsessional hatred for Nasser, and from March onwards, was in private committed to the overthrow of Nasser.
Increasingly Nasser came to be viewed in British circles—and in particular by Eden—as a dictator, akin to Benito Mussolini. Ironically, [ editorializing ] in the buildup to the crisis, it was the Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell and the left-leaning tabloid newspaper The Mirror that first made the comparison between Nasser and Mussolini.
Anglo-Egyptian relations would continue on their downward spiral. Britain was eager to tame Nasser and looked towards the United States for support.
However, Eisenhower strongly opposed British-French military action. The Eisenhower administration believed that if Nasser were able to secure Soviet economic support for the high dam, that would be beyond the capacity of the Soviet Union to support, and in turn would strain Soviet-Egyptian relations.
You don't get bread because you are being squeezed to build a dam". Finally, the Eisenhower administration had become very annoyed at Nasser's efforts to play the United States off against the Soviet Union, and refused to finance the Aswan high dam.
As early as September , when Nasser announced the purchase of the Soviet military equipment via Czechoslovakia , Dulles had written that competing for Nasser's favour was probably going to be "an expensive process", one that Dulles wanted to avoid as much as possible.
In January , to end the incipient arms race in the Middle East set off by the Soviet Union selling Egypt arms on a scale unlimited by the Tripartite Declaration and with France doing likewise with Israel, which he saw as opening the Near East to Soviet influence, Eisenhower launched a major effort to make peace between Egypt and Israel.
Eisenhower sent out his close friend Robert B. Anderson to serve as a secret envoy who would permanently end the Arab—Israeli dispute.
Nasser demanded the return of Palestinian refugees to Israel, wanted to annexe the southern half of Israel and rejected direct talks with Israel.
Still, he proposed direct negotiations with Egypt in any level. A second round of secret diplomacy by Anderson in February was equally unsuccessful.
In case of Israeli acceptance to the return of the Palestinian refugees to Israel and to Egypt annexing the southern half of Israel, Egypt would not accept a peace settlement.
The United States or the United Nations would have to present the Israeli acceptance to all Arabs as a basis for peace settlements. The truth will likely never be known as Nasser was an intensely secretive man, who managed to hide his true opinions on most issues from both contemporaries and historians.
Vatikitos noted that Nasser's determination to promote Egypt as the world's foremost anti-Zionist state as a way of reinforcing his claim to Arab leadership meant that peace was unlikely.
Hasan Afif El-Hasan says that in — the American proposed Nasser to solve the Arab—Israeli conflict peacefully and in exchange to finance the High Dam on the Nile river, but Nasser rejected the offer because it would mean siding with the West as opposed to remaining neutral in the Cold War.
Since the alternative to a peace agreement was a war with unpredictable consequences, Nasser's refusal to accept the proposal was irrational, according to el-Hasan.
Nasser's response was the nationalisation of the Suez Canal. On 26 July, in a speech in Alexandria , Nasser gave a riposte to Dulles.
During his speech he deliberately pronounced the name of Ferdinand de Lesseps , the builder of the canal, a code-word for Egyptian forces to seize control of the canal and implement its nationalisation.
Many argued that this was also a violation of the Armistice Agreements. According to the Egyptian historian Abd al-Azim Ramadan, the events leading up to the nationalisation of the Suez Canal Company, as well as other events during Nasser's rule, showed Nasser to be far from a rational, responsible leader.
Ramadan notes Nasser's decision to nationalise the Suez Canal without political consultation as an example of his predilection for solitary decision-making.
The nationalisation surprised Britain and its Commonwealth. Prime Minister Eden was under immense domestic pressure from Conservative MPs who drew direct comparisons between the events of and those of the Munich Agreement in Since the U.
They both unequivocally advised Eden to "hit Nasser hard, hit him soon, and hit him by yourself" — a stance shared by the vast majority of the British people in subsequent weeks.
He immediately agreed that military action might be inevitable, but warned Eden would have to keep the Americans closely informed. Gaitskell's support became more cautious.
On 2 August he said of Nasser's behaviour, "It is all very familiar. It is exactly the same that we encountered from Mussolini and Hitler in those years before the war".
He cautioned Eden, however, that "[w]e must not, therefore, allow ourselves to get into a position where we might be denounced in the Security Council as aggressors, or where the majority of the Assembly was against us".
He had earlier warned Eden that Labour might not support Britain acting alone against Egypt. Lest there should be any doubt in your mind about my personal attitude, let me say that I could not regard an armed attack on Egypt by ourselves and the French as justified by anything which Nasser has done so far or as consistent with the Charter of the United Nations.
Nor, in my opinion, would such an attack be justified in order to impose a system of international control over the Canal-desirable though this is.
If, of course, the whole matter were to be taken to the United Nations and if Egypt were to be condemned by them as aggressors, then, of course, the position would be different.
And if further action which amounted to obvious aggression by Egypt were taken by Nasser, then again it would be different.
So far what Nasser has done amounts to a threat, a grave threat to us and to others, which certainly cannot be ignored; but it is only a threat, not in my opinion justifying retaliation by war.
Two dozen Labour MPs issued a statement on 8 August stating that forcing Nasser to denationalise the canal against Egypt's wishes would violate the UN charter.
Other opposition politicians were less conditional in their support. Former Labour Foreign Minister Herbert Morrison hinted that he would support unilateral action by the government.
In Britain, the nationalisation was perceived as a direct threat to British interests. If we sit back while Nasser consolidates his position and gradually acquires control of the oil-bearing countries, he can and is, according to our information, resolved to wreck us.
If Middle Eastern oil is denied to us for a year or two, our gold reserves will disappear. If our gold reserves disappear, the sterling area disintegrates.
If the sterling area disintegrates and we have no reserves, we shall not be able to maintain a force in Germany , or indeed, anywhere else. I doubt whether we shall be able to pay for the bare minimum necessary for our defence.
And a country that cannot provide for its defence is finished. Direct military intervention, however, ran the risk of angering Washington and damaging Anglo-Arab relations.
As a result, the British government concluded a secret military pact with France and Israel that was aimed at regaining control over the Suez Canal.
If we're too stupid not to read it, understand it and draw the obvious conclusions, then so much the worse for us.
On 29 July , the French Cabinet decided upon military action against Egypt in alliance with Israel, and Admiral Nomy of the French Naval General Staff was sent to Britain to inform the leaders of that country of France's decision, and to invite them to co-operate if interested.
Given the way that Algeria which the French considered an integral part of France had become engulfed in a spiral of increasing savage violence that French leaders longed to put an end to, the Mollet administration had felt tempted by Molotov's offer, but in the end, Mollet, a firm Atlanticist , had chosen to remain faithful to NATO.
In Mollet's view, his fidelity to NATO had earned him the right to expect firm American support against Egypt, and when that support proved not forthcoming, he became even more determined that if the Americans were not willing to do anything about Nasser, then France would act.
It had little reaction to the seizure before military action. By the Panama Canal was much more important than Suez to Australia and New Zealand; the following year two experts would write that it "is not vital to the Australian economy".
The memory, however, of the two nations fighting in two world wars to protect a canal which many still called their "lifeline" to Britain or "jugular vein", contributed to Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies and Sidney Holland of New Zealand supporting Britain in the early weeks after the seizure.
On 7 August Holland hinted to his parliament that New Zealand might send troops to assist Britain, and received support from the opposition; on 13 August Menzies, who had travelled to London from the United States after hearing of the nationalisation and became an informal member of the British Cabinet discussing the issue, spoke on the BBC in support of the Eden government's position on the canal.
He called the dispute over the canal "a crisis more grave than any since the Second World War ended". His government saw Nasser as an enemy but would benefit economically and geopolitically from a closed canal, and politically from not opposing a nation's right to govern its internal affairs.
The "non-white Dominions" saw Egypt's seizing of the canal as an admirable act of anti-imperialism, and Nasser's Arab nationalism as similar to Asian nationalism.
As India was a user of the canal, however, he remained publicly neutral other than warning that any use of force, or threats, could be "disastrous".
Suez was also very important to Ceylon's economy, and it was renegotiating defence treaties with Britain, so its government was not as vocal in supporting Egypt as it would have been otherwise.
Pakistan was also cautious about supporting Egypt given their rivalry as leading Islamic nations, but its government did state that Nasser had the right to nationalise.
Ambassador Robert D. Britain sought co-operation with the United States throughout to deal with what it maintained was a threat of an Israeli attack against Egypt, but to little effect.
Between July and October , unsuccessful initiatives encouraged by the United States were made to reduce the tension that would ultimately lead to war.
International conferences were organised to secure agreement on Suez Canal operations but all were ultimately fruitless.
Almost immediately after the nationalisation, Eisenhower suggested to Eden a conference of maritime nations that used the canal.
The British preferred to invite the most important countries, but the Americans believed that inviting as many as possible amid maximum publicity would affect world opinion.
All except Egypt—which sent an observer, and used India and the Soviet Union to represent its interests—and Greece accepted the invitation, and the 22 nations' representatives met in London from 16 to 23 August.
Ceylon, Indonesia, and the Soviet Union supported India's competing proposal—which Nasser had preapproved—of international supervision only.
India criticised Egypt's seizure of the canal, but insisted that its ownership and operation now not change. The majority of 18 chose five nations to negotiate with Nasser in Cairo led by Menzies, while their proposal for international operation of the canal would go to the Security Council.
Menzies' 7 September official communique to Nasser presented a case for compensation for the Suez Canal Company and the "establishment of principles" for the future use of the canal that would ensure that it would "continue to be an international waterway operated free of politics or national discrimination, and with financial structure so secure and an international confidence so high that an expanding and improving future for the Canal could be guaranteed" and called for a convention to recognise Egyptian sovereignty of the canal, but for the establishment of an international body to run the canal.
Nasser saw such measures as a "derogation from Egyptian sovereignty" and rejected Menzies' proposals. Instead of the nation proposal, the United States proposed an association of canal users that would set rules for its operation.
Britain, in particular, believed that violation of the association rules would result in military force, but after Eden made a speech to this effect in parliament on 12 September, the US ambassador Dulles insisted "we do not intend to shoot our way through" the canal.
Macmillan misread Eisenhower's determination to avoid war and told Eden that the Americans would not in any way oppose the attempt to topple Nasser.
The Americans refused to support any move that could be seen as imperialism or colonialism, seeing the US as the champion of decolonisation.
Eisenhower felt the crisis had to be handled peacefully; he told Eden that American public opinion would not support a military solution.
Eden and other leading British officials incorrectly believed Nasser's support for Palestinian fedayeen against Israel, as well as his attempts to destabilise pro-western regimes in Iraq and other Arab states, would deter the US from intervening with the operation.
Eisenhower specifically warned that the Americans, and the world, "would be outraged" unless all peaceful routes had been exhausted, and even then "the eventual price might become far too heavy".
This proved to be a critical miscalculation. Britain was anxious lest it lose efficient access to the remains of its empire.
Both Britain and France were eager that the canal should remain open as an important conduit of oil. Both the French and the British felt that Nasser should be removed from power.
The French "held the Egyptian president responsible for assisting the anti-colonial rebellion in Algeria". Israel wanted to reopen the Straits of Tiran leading to the Gulf of Aqaba to Israeli shipping, and saw the opportunity to strengthen its southern border and to weaken what it saw as a dangerous and hostile state.
This was particularly felt in the form of attacks injuring approximately 1, civilians emanating from the Egyptian-held Gaza Strip.
The Israelis were also deeply troubled by Egypt's procurement of large amounts of Soviet weaponry that included armoured vehicles, of which were tanks; guns; MiG 15 jet fighters; 50 Ilyushin Il bombers; submarines and other naval craft.
The influx of this advanced weaponry altered an already shaky balance of power. In early August, the Contingency Plan was modified by including a strategic bombing campaign that was intended to destroy Egypt's economy, and thereby hopefully bring about Nasser's overthrow.
On 22 October , during negotiations leading to the Protocol of Sevres , David Ben-Gurion, Prime Minister of Israel, gave the most detailed explanation ever to foreign dignitaries, of Israel's overall strategy for the Middle East.
His main objection to the "English plan" was that Israel would be branded as the aggressor while Britain and France would pose as peace-makers.
Instead he presented a comprehensive plan, which he himself called "fantastic", for the reorganization of the Middle East.
Jordan, he observed, was not viable as an independent state and should therefore be divided. Iraq would get the East Bank in return for a promise to settle the Palestinian refugees there and to make peace with Israel while the West Bank would be attached to Israel as a semi-autonomous region.
Lebanon suffered from having a large Muslim population which was concentrated in the south. The problem could be solved by Israel's expansion up to the Litani River, thereby helping to turn Lebanon into a more compact Christian state.
Israel declares its intention to keep her forces for the purpose of permanent annexation of the entire area east of the El Arish-Abu Ageila, Nakhl-Sharm el-Sheikh, in order to maintain for the long term the freedom of navigation in the Straits of Eilat and in order to free herself from the scourge of the infiltrators and from the danger posed by the Egyptian army bases in Sinai.
I suggested laying down a pipeline from Sinai to Haifa to refine the oil. In October , Eden, after two months of pressure, finally and reluctantly agreed to French requests to include Israel in Operation Revise [ specify ].
By the fall of , many Tory backbenchers were starting to grow restive about the government's seeming inability to start military action, and if Eden had continued to put off military action for the winter of —57, it is possible that his government might not have survived.
Britain and France enlisted Israeli support for an alliance against Egypt. The parties agreed that Israel would invade the Sinai. Britain and France would then intervene, purportedly to separate the warring Israeli and Egyptian forces, instructing both to withdraw to a distance of 16 kilometres from either side of the canal.
The British and French would then argue that Egypt's control of such an important route was too tenuous, and that it needed to be placed under Anglo-French management.
David Ben-Gurion did not trust the British in view of their treaty with Jordan and he was not initially in favour of the plan, since it would make Israel alone look like the aggressor; however he soon agreed to it since such a good opportunity to strike back at Egypt might never again present itself.
Stockwell offered up Operation Musketeer , which was to begin with a two-day air campaign that would see the British gain air superiority.
Musketeer would require thousands of troops, leading the British to seek out France as an ally. Extremely excitable, gesticulating, keeping no part of him still, his hands, his feet, and even his head and shoulders perpetually on the go, he starts off by sweeping objects off the table with a swish of his swagger cane or in his room by using it to make golf-strokes with the flower vases and ash-trays.
Those are the good moments. You will see him pass in an instant from the most cheerfully expressed optimism to a dejection that amounts to nervous depression.
He is a cyclothymic. By turns courteous and brutal, refined and coarse, headstrong in some circumstances, hesitant and indecisive in others, he disconcerts by his unpredictable responses and the contradictions of which he is made up.
One only of his qualities remains constant: his courage under fire. By contrast, the majority of the officers of the Task Force, both French and British, admired Beaufre as an elegant yet tough general with a sharp analytical mind who always kept his cool.
In late August , the French Admiral Pierre Barjot suggested that Port Said once again be made the main target, which lessened the number of troops needed and thus reduced the interval between sending forces to the eastern Mediterranean and the invasion.
He argued that such a move would destabilize the Middle East, undermine the authority of the United Nations, divide the Commonwealth and diminish Britain's global standing.
His advice was not taken; he tried to resign but the political leadership of the Royal Navy, and even himself, that Mountbatten not resign.
Instead he worked hard to prepare the Royal Navy for war with characteristic professionalism and thoroughness.
On 8 September Revise was approved by the British and French cabinets. Both Stockwell and Beaufre were opposed to Revise as an open-ended plan with no clear goal beyond seizing the canal zone, but was embraced by Eden and Mollet as offering greater political flexibility and the prospect of lesser Egyptian civilian casualties.
At the same time, Israel had been working on Operation Kadesh for the invasion of the Sinai. Reflecting this emphasis on encirclement was the "outside-in" approach of Kadesh, which called for Israeli paratroopers to seize distant points first, with those closer to Israel to be seized later.
In fact, United States intelligence had kept the government informed". British troops were well-trained, experienced, and had good morale, but suffered from the economic and technological limitations imposed by post-war austerity.
It had just undergone a major and innovative carrier modernisation program. French troops were experienced and well-trained but suffered from cutbacks imposed by post-war politics of economic austerity.
The main French and Israeli battle tank, the AMX , was designed for mobile, outflanking operations, which led to a tank that was lightly armoured but very fast.
American military historian Derek Varble called the Israel Defense Forces IDF the "best" military force in the Middle East while at the same time suffering from "deficiencies" such as "immature doctrine, faulty logistics, and technical inadequacies".
In the Egyptian Armed Forces , politics rather than military competence was the main criterion for promotion.
A heavy drinker, he would prove himself grossly incompetent as a general during the Crisis. Rigid lines between officers and men in the Egyptian Army led to a mutual "mistrust and contempt" between officers and the men who served under them.
Operation Kadesh received its name from ancient Kadesh , located in the northern Sinai and mentioned several times in the Hebrew Pentateuch.
The Egyptian blockade of the Tiran Straits was based at Sharm el-Sheikh and, by capturing the town, Israel would have access to the Red Sea for the first time since , which would allow it to restore the trade benefits of secure passage to the Indian Ocean.
The Gaza Strip was chosen as another military objective because Israel wished to remove the training grounds for Fedayeen groups, and because Israel recognised that Egypt could use the territory as a staging ground for attacks against the advancing Israeli troops.
Israel advocated rapid advances, for which a potential Egyptian flanking attack would present even more of a risk. Arish and Abu Uwayulah were important hubs for soldiers, equipment, and centres of command and control of the Egyptian Army in the Sinai.
Capturing them would deal a deathblow to the Egyptian's strategic operation in the entire Peninsula. The capture of these four objectives were hoped to be the means by which the entire Egyptian Army would rout and fall back into Egypt proper, which British and French forces would then be able to push up against an Israeli advance, and crush in a decisive encounter.
On 24 October, Dayan ordered a partial mobilisation. The conflict began on 29 October Israeli-Arab villages along the Jordanian border were placed under curfew.
This resulted in the killings of 48 civilians in the Arab village of Kafr Qasim in an event known as the Kafr Qasim massacre.
The border policemen involved in the killings were later tried and imprisoned, with an Israeli court finding that the order to shoot civilians was "blatantly illegal".
This event had major effects on Israeli law relating to the ethics in war and more subtle effects on the legal status of Arab citizens of Israel , who at the time were regarded as a fifth column.
In conjunction with the para drop, four Israeli P Mustangs using their wings and propellers, cut all overhead telephone lines in the Sinai, severely disrupting Egyptian command and control.
As the paratroopers were being dropped into the Sinai, the Israeli 9th Infantry Brigade captured Ras al-Naqb , an important staging ground for that brigade's later attack against Sharm el-Sheikh.
The 4th Infantry Brigade, under the command of Colonel Josef Harpaz, captured al-Qusaymah , which would be used as a jumping off point for the assault against Abu Uwayulah.
The portion of the paratroopers under Sharon's command continued to advance to meet with the 1st Brigade. En route, Sharon assaulted Themed in a dawn attack, and was able to storm the town with his armour through the Themed Gap.
Dayan had no more plans for further advances beyond the passes, but Sharon decided to attack the Egyptian positions at Jebel Heitan. The Egyptian forces occupied strong defensive positions and brought down heavy anti-tank, mortar and machine gun fire on the IDF force.
A total of Egyptian and 38 Israeli soldiers were killed in the battle. Although the battle was an Israeli victory, the casualties sustained would surround Sharon with controversy.
From the outset, the Israeli Air Force flew paratroop drops, supply flights and medevac sorties. Israel's new French-made Dassault Mystere IV jet fighters provided air cover for the transport aircraft.
In the initial phase of the conflict, the Egyptian Air Force flew attack missions against advancing Israeli ground forces.
The Egyptian tactic was to use their new Soviet-made MiG jets as fighter escorts, while their older British-made De Havilland Vampire and Gloster Meteor jets conducted strikes against Israeli troops and vehicles.
In air combat, Israeli aircraft shot down between seven and nine Egyptian jets  with the loss of one plane,  but Egyptian strikes against the ground forces continued through to 1 November.
According to an Israeli pilot who participated in the attack "Car after car and tank after tank caught fire At first it looked like a peacetime firing range.
With the attack by the British and French air forces and navies, President Nasser ordered his pilots to disengage and fly their planes to bases in Southern Egypt.
The ship was attacked with rockets, cannon fire, and napalm bombs. Its Captain reported light damage, and three crewmen were lightly injured in the attack.
The ship put up heavy anti-aircraft fire, and there are conflicting accounts as to whether it shot down an Israeli aircraft or not.
On 30 October, the Egyptian Navy dispatched Ibrahim el Awal , an ex-British Hunt-class destroyer , to Haifa with the aim of shelling that city's coastal oil installations.
The French destroyer Kersaint , which was guarding Haifa port as part of Operation Musketeer , returned fire but failed to score any hits.
Ibrahim el Awal disengaged and turned northwest. Left without power and unable to steer, Ibrahim el Awal surrendered to the Israeli destroyers.
During the engagement, the Ibrahim el Awal's crew lost 2 killed and 8 wounded. Of the Domiat's crew, 38 were killed and 69 survived and were rescued.
British losses in the engagement were 1 killed and 5 wounded. The attack was repelled, with three torpedo boats sunk and the rest retreating.
Concurrently, another attack was launched on the eastern edge of the "Hedgehog" by the IDF 10th Infantry Brigade composed mostly of reservists that ended in failure.
After taking Abu Uwayulah, Adan committed all of his forces against the Ruafa ridge of the "Hedgehog".
On the morning of 1 November, Israeli and French aircraft launched frequent napalm attacks on the Egyptian troops at Umm Qataf. The city of Rafah was strategically important to Israel because control of that city would sever the Gaza Strip from the Sinai and provide a way to the main centres of the northern Sinai, al-Arish and al-Qantarah.
Dayan ordered the IDF forces to seize Crossroads 12 in the central Rafah area, and to focus on breaking through rather than reducing every Egyptian strongpoint.
Using the two paths cleared through the southern minefields, IDF tanks entered the Rafah salient. With Rafah more or less cut off and Israeli forces controlling the northern and eastern roads leading into the city, Dayan ordered the AMXs of the 27th Armored Brigade to strike west and take al-Arish.
The circumstances of the killings are disputed. After some street-fighting with Egyptian soldiers and Palestinian fedayeen , Khan Yunis fell to the Israelis.
Israel maintained that the Palestinians were killed in street-fighting, while the Palestinians claimed that Israeli troops started executing unarmed Palestinians after the fall of Khan Yunis.
In both Gaza City and Khan Yunis, street-fighting led to the deaths of "dozens, perhaps hundreds, of non-combatants". The manner that these people were killed is disputed.
To outflank Sharm el-Sheikh, Dayan ordered paratroopers to take the town of Tor in the western Sinai. After numerous skirmishes on the outskirts of Sharm el-Sheikh, Yoffe ordered an attack on the port around midnight on 4 November.
Another Egyptian soldiers were taken prisoner. To support the invasion, large air forces had been deployed to Cyprus and Malta by Britain and France and many aircraft carriers were deployed.
The two airbases on Cyprus were so congested that a third field which was in dubious condition had to be brought into use for French aircraft.
They initiated Operation Musketeer on 31 October, with a bombing campaign. Despite the risk of an invasion in the canal zone, Field Marshal Abdel Hakim Amer ordered Egyptian troops in the Sinai to stay put, as Amer confidently assured Nasser that the Egyptians could defeat the Israelis in the Sinai and then defeat the Anglo-French forces once they came ashore in the canal zone.
Amer also advised Nasser to send more troops into the Sinai to inflict his promised defeat on Israel, even though the risk of their being cut off if the canal zone were seized by Anglo-French forces was enormous.
British bombers based in Cyprus and Malta took off to Cairo with the aim of destroying Cairo airport, only to be personally ordered back by Eden when he learned that American civilians were being evacuated at Cairo airport.
F and One French Corsair was shot down by Egyptian anti-aircraft fire. Its pilot survived and was subsequently captured and executed by the Egyptians, reportedly by stoning.
The very aggressive French General Beaufre suggested at once that Anglo-French forces seize the canal zone with airborne landings instead of waiting the planned ten days for Revise II to be worked through, and that the risk of sending in paratroopers without the prospect of sea-borne landings for several days be taken.
On 2 November the First Sea Lord Admiral Mountbatten sent a letter to Eden telling him to stop the invasion before troops landed in the canal zone as the operation had already proved to be too costly politically.
Some people in England today say that what we're [ sic? The reality is that we have checked a drift. With a bit of luck we're not only stopped a big war in the Middle East, but we're halted the march of Russia through the Middle East and on to the African continent.
The Battalion then secured the area around the airfield. During the ensuing street fighting, the Egyptian forces engaged in methodical tactics, fighting on the defence while inflicting maximum casualties and retreating only when overwhelming force was brought to bear.
An attack by supporting Wyverns inflicted heavy casualties on the defenders, although the lead aircraft was shot down during the attack.
F flew a series of close-air-support missions, destroying several SUs. FFs also hit two large oil storage tanks in Port Said, which went up in flames and covered most of the city in a thick cloud of smoke for the next several days.
Egyptian resistance varied, with some positions fighting back until destroyed, while others were abandoned with little resistance.
The French paratroopers stormed and took Port Said's waterworks that morning, an important objective to control in a city in the desert. As the paratroopers alone were not enough,  : Beaufre and British Admiral Manley Laurence Power urged that the sea-borne landings be accelerated and that Allied forces land the very next day.
Stockwell and Knightley, who wished to stick with the original plan, opposed this. Beaufre, by contrast an opportunist, saw plans merely a means to an end, without much inherent value.
For him, altered circumstances or assumptions provided adequate justification to jettison part or all of the original plan".
At first light on 6 November, commandos of No. The town of Port Said sustained great damage and was seen to be alight.
The men of 42 Commando as much as possible chose to by-pass Egyptian positions and focused on trying to break through inland. Nasser proclaimed the Suez War to be a "people's war".
These tactics worked especially well against the British. The American historian Derek Varble has commented that the paradox between Eden's concern for Egyptian civilians and the object of Revise Phase II bombing, which was intended to terrorise the Egyptian people, was never resolved.
The French were aided by AMX light tanks. British commandos of No. One Marine was killed and 15 wounded when a carrier-based Wyvern mistakenly fired into a concentration of Marines.
Tailyour, who was leading 45 Commando was landed by mistake in a stadium still under Egyptian control resulting in a very hasty retreat. Civilians who took up arms as guerrillas were organized into eight groups with five additional groups joining them from outside the city.
The Egyptians were gradually pushed back as the British took key objectives. In one instance, five British officers were killed or wounded by an Egyptian hidden in a wardrobe.
Centurion tanks of the British 6th Royal Tank Regiment were landed and by they had reached the French paratroopers. While the building was captured with ease, the surrounding warehouses were heavily defended and were only taken in fierce fighting during which two British soldiers were killed.
The warehouses were overrun with the help of supporting fire from Centurion tanks firing at point-blank range.
After establishing themselves in a position in downtown Port Said, 42 Commando headed down the Shari Muhammad Ali, the main north-south road to link up with the French forces at the Raswa bridge and the Inner Basin lock.
Egyptian sniper attacks and the need to clear every building led the 3 Para to be slowed in their attempts to link up with the Royal Marines.
British casualties stood at 16 dead and 96 wounded,  while French casualties were 10 dead and 33 wounded. The Israeli losses were dead and wounded.
Although the public believed the British government's justification of the invasion as a separation of Israeli and Egyptian forces,  protests against the war occurred in Britain after it began.
On the popular television talk show Free Speech , an especially bitter debate took place on 31 October with the leftist historian A.
Boothby boomed, Foot fumed and Taylor trephined, with apparent real malice Eden's major mistake had been not to strike in July when there was widespread anger at Nasser's nationalisation of the Suez Canal Company, as by the fall of public anger had subsided, with many people in Britain having come to accept the fait accompli , and saw no reason for war.
Gaitskell was much offended that Eden had kept him in the dark about the planning for action against Egypt, and felt personally insulted that Eden had just assumed that he would support the war without consulting him first.
He called the invasion  : — Yes, all of us will regret it, because it will have done irreparable harm to the prestige and reputation of our country The stormy and violent debates in the House of Commons on 1 November almost degenerated into fist-fights after several Labour MPs compared Eden to Hitler.
We are in an armed conflict. Wilson wrote that "The letters to The Times caught the mood of the country, with great majority opposing military intervention The bitter division in public opinion provoked by the British intervention in the Middle East has already had one disastrous consequence.
It has deflected popular attention from the far more important struggle in Hungary. A week ago the feelings of the British people were fused in a single flame of admiration for the courage and apparent success of the Hungarian revolt.
Now, that success seems threatened by Russian treachery and brute force, and Hungary has appealed to the West It is the first, and perhaps will prove the only opportunity to reverse the calamitous decisions of Yalta The Prime Minister has told us that 50 million tons of British shipping are at stake in his dispute with President Nasser.
What is at stake in Central Europe are rather more than 50 million souls. It may be objected that it is not so easy to help the Hungarians; to this excuse they are entitled to reply that it was not so easy to help themselves.
I am one of the millions who watching the martyrdom of Hungary and listening yesterday to the transmission of her agonizing appeals of help immediately followed by our "successful bombings" of Egyptian "targets" who have felt a humiliation, shame and anger which are beyond expression We cannot order Soviet Russia to obey the edict of the United Nations which we ourselves have defied, nor to withdraw her tanks and guns from Hungary while we are bombing and invading Egypt.
Today we are standing in the dock with Russia Never in my lifetime has our name stood so low in the eyes of the world.
Never have we stood so ingloriously alone. John-Stevas wrote at the time:. I had wanted to stand for the party at the next election, but I cannot bring myself to vote for the party at the moment, let alone stand for it.
I am thinking of joining the Labour Party and am having lunch with Frank Pakenham next week. The historian Hugh Trevor-Roper expressed regret that no senior minister resigned and hoped "some kind of national Tory party can be saved from the wreck".
I write to you to express my complete abhorrence of the policy which the government is pursuing I have voted Conservative in the last three elections, but I am quite sure my next vote will be for a Labour candidate .
The Labour Party and the Trade Union Congress organised nation-wide anti-war protests, starting on 1 November under the slogan "Law, not war!
We are stronger than Egypt but there are other countries stronger than us. Are we prepared to accept for ourselves the logic we are applying to Egypt?
If nations more powerful than ourselves accept the absence of principle, the anarchistic attitude of Eden and launch bombs on London, what answer have we got, what complaint have we got?
If we are going to appeal to force, if force is to be the arbiter to which we appeal, it would at least make common sense to try to make sure beforehand that we have got it, even if you accept that abysmal logic, that decadent point of view.
We are in fact in the position today of having appealed to force in the case of a small nation, where if it is appealed to against us it will result in the destruction of Great Britain, not only as a nation, but as an island containing living men and women.
Therefore I say to Anthony, I say to the British government, there is no count at all upon which they can be defended. They have besmirched the name of Britain.
They have made us ashamed of the things of which formerly we were proud. They have offended against every principle of decency and there is only way in which they can even begin to restore their tarnished reputation and that is to get out!
Get out! According to some historians, the majority of British people were on Eden's side. The majority of Conservative constituency associations passed resolutions of support to "Sir Anthony".
He explained that, if not stopped, he believed Nasserism would become a Soviet-led worldwide anti-western movement. The public reaction to press comment highlighted the divisions within the country.
But there was no doubt that Eden still commanded strong support from a sizeable minority, maybe even a majority, of voters who thought that it was about time that the upset Arabs should be taught a lesson.
The Observer and Guardian lost readers; so too did the News Chronicle , a liberal newspaper that was soon to fold as a result of falling circulation.
Wilson wrote that. The bulk of the press, the Labour Party and that equally influential left-learning party, the London dinner party, were all against Suez together with the rent-a-mob of poets, dons, clergy and ankle-socked female graduates who deplored British action, they did not necessarily constitute the majority of unexpressed public opinion .
The economist Roy Harrod wrote at the time that the "more level-headed British, whom I believe to be in the majority though not the most vocal" were supporting the "notable act of courage and statesmanship" of the government.
The conflict exposed the division within the Labour Party between its middle-class internationalist intelligentsia who opposed the conflict, and working-class voters who supported it.
The Labour MP Richard Crossman said that "when the Labour Party leadership tried to organise demonstrations in the Provinces of the kind they'd held in Trafalgar Square, there was great reluctance among the working classes, because we were at war.
It was Munich in reverse. And it was very, very acute". They reacted against us in the same way as they did against Chamberlain a few months after Munich".
During the Lewisham North and Warwick and Leamington by-elections held in February and March , Labour instructed its activists not to emphasise their opposition to Suez because the government's action had considerable support.
The operation,  aimed at taking control of the Suez Canal, Gaza , and parts of Sinai, was highly successful for the invaders from a military point of view, but was a disaster from a political point of view, resulting in international criticism and diplomatic pressure.
Along with the Suez crisis, the United States was also dealing with the near-simultaneous Hungarian revolution. Vice-President Richard Nixon later explained: "We couldn't on one hand, complain about the Soviets intervening in Hungary and, on the other hand, approve of the British and the French picking that particular time to intervene against Nasser".
Despite having no commercial or military interest in the area, many countries were concerned with the growing rift between Western allied nations.
The Swedish ambassador to the Court of St. James, Gunnar Hägglöf wrote in a letter to the anti-war Conservative M. Edward Boyle ,. I don't think there is any part of the world where the sympathies for England are greater than in Scandinavia.
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